Indian Foreign
Policy Predicaments & Sea-Power
As the Juggernaut of Chinese BRI rumbles down the
shores of south Asia from all direction with CPEC and Gwadar in Pakistan,
Chahbahar in Iran, Tibet-Kathmandu railway in Nepal, lucrative contracts for
bridges, roads, rail and ports in Bangladesh, CMEC in Myanmar, Hambantota in
Sri Lank with a determined persistence, the possibility of India continuing as
a moot bystander has become untenable. These mutually unrelated projects, when
clubbed together become, de-facto projections of Chinese state power and its increasing
stranglehold over the Indian subcontinent.
In Indian Ocean Region (IOR) too, Chinese Navy is
persistent in increasing its footprints incrementally. Acquisition of exclusive
rights in critical seaports in IOR, disproportionate financing and supporting Pakistani
naval build-up, stealth exercise of Chinese nuclear submarines in IOR, are all illustrative of China’s strategic designs
and its contempt for India’s hold over its own region. If left unchecked, It
will be only a matter of time, when
China-Pak combine may start ruling the waves of IOR. Above developments have
the potential to rob India of its strategic space and reduce its status in this
subcontinent substantially.
The grim picture painted above, begs some deep introspection.
Not that Indian policy makers are oblivious. Series of actions taken by the
Indian establishment to redefine India’s strategic, diplomatic and military alliances
with important global and regional powers to counter China are already underway
and much in public domain. However, the question is, are the actions taken recently
to bolster India’s security needs adequate? Does it constitute merely reactions driven by events or are they indicative
of a well meditated principle, long term plan, a detail blueprint or a
thoroughly debated and deliberated new “DOCTRINE” to protect the core security
interests of India in the times to come?
Indian strategic community needs to dwell on these matters much more in
depth and with much more urgency than what is visible in the environment. By no
means, the dynamics of shifting fundamental of India’s historic foreign
relation paradigms needs be treated as business as usual.
It is pointless to find flaws with the policies perused by successive
governments because the fault lies not with those policies but the very
foundations from which they flowed out, to meet the needs of a bygone era as
understood by the cold war generation. Over a period of time, they have culminated
into an un-enviable state in which India finds itself today. Some major fault
lines in the very foundation of erstwhile Indian foreign policy approach that, to a great extent is already under
rectification, needs highlighting for further substantial course correction.
These are -
Role & Responsibility as a Regional Power.
Geography, size, population, and
nature itself had thrusted upon India the stature of a regional power. It was
not merely a title for adornment but entailed huge responsibilities and
appetite to take tough actions when needed. Abdication has proved fatal. It is
ironic that India never had the above specific
role kept central to its foreign policy paradigms. Instead it chased a weak and
pacifist policy of neutrality, non-interference and non-alignment. No
foundational doctrine or principles were ever laid down in India to guide successive
governments to follow foreign policies befitting the above national profile, as
Monroe had done for America at the early stages of its national development.
Allowing extra regional powers to setup and operate facilities inimical
to India within its own regional sphere of influence is a sacrilege that a
regional power can perform only at its own doom. Geopolitical theorists, Nicholas J Spykman words are prophetic
in Indian context -"political equilibrium is neither a gift of the gods
nor an inherently stable condition. It results from the active intervention of
man, from the operation of political forces. States cannot afford to wait
passively for the happy time when a miraculously achieved balance of power will
bring peace and security. If they wish to survive, they must be willing to go
to war to preserve a balance against the growing hegemonic of the
period."
Playing Pivotal
Role in Regional Infrastructure Development
India always needed a strong, efficient and effective long and
short term plans to build regional
connectivity along with its own domestic infrastructure that could sync with
the need and aspirations of the region to keep
its neighbours bound together. Unfortunately,
too little was done in this area beyond
cosmetics. Few Indian projects executed in neighbourhood remained diminutive in
size, shabby in execution and limited in its scope and impact. No wonder, China
is now filing up that wide gap, at much discomfiture of India . It is still not
too late to correct this deficiency. India must accord priority and use its
international clout and favourable atmospherics to bring big ticket international
infrastructure development programs in this subcontinent to wrest the
initiative from China and ring-fence areas of strategic concern from future
Chinese investments. SAARC (minus Pak) must be revived with vigour. Alternate
regional models, much attractive than the Chines model, of joint inter-regional
infrastructure projects financed by international financing agencies on easier
and more transparent terms and executed within local expertise involving local skill,
technology, men & material that benefits the host nations must be worked
out and presented to the neighbourhood to counter the charm of Chinese BRI.
Use of Sea Power to
Influence Geopolitics
One of the greatest flaws of India’s foreign policy orientation had
been its lack of recognition of sea as an instrument of state power. Not using
the unique geographical advantages gifted to it by nature at sea to maintain regional
equilibrium has put India in a tight spot today.

In the current context, it is dangerous to stick to India’s traditional philosophy of eternal neutrality. Strategic planners in India have come to accept the fact that it’s deteriorating security standing in the region is a direct consequence of its impractical infatuation with this very pacifist paradigm. Instead giving “strategic autonomy” these policies over the years have reduced India into a state where defending its own territorial integrity, all by itself, has become untenable. The need of the hour, therefore, is to have a clear and resolute foreign policy that can redeem India from this quagmire. Geopolitics dictate that there is no security in being just strong enough to defend oneself. The real security lies in being a few notches stronger than the adversary. Despite huge asymmetry, India can still attain that critical edge over China, at least in IOR and Indo-Pacific with the help of geography and formidable naval alliances with the navies of liberal democratic forces of the world coming together to oppose Chinese hegemonism. Practical objective of state should be to improve its own relative strength constantly vis a vis its adversaries, to counter the challenges of its time. Foreign policy cannot be treated as a means to uphold intangible and unproven principles at the cost of national security. The true balance is the one which neutralizes immediate adversary, giving the home state the deciding edge.
It is quite obvious that Indian navy, in its
current shape and size, cannot accomplish the task of bringing China to its
knees, all by itself. But using favorable international mood, right kind of naval
alliances, the navy can perform miracles
for India that can not only pull India decisively out of its current security
woes and tilt the balance of power in South Asia . For India it is clearly the
time to put its bet on sea.
Nations that renounce struggle and choose inaction will
cease to command respect and ability to influence
international relations either for good or evil.
About Author -
RS Mehta is a veteran IAF officer who is researching
“Geopolitical Impact of BRI on South Asia and Indian ocean Region”
at Amity University.







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